Burma and investigates Rohingya ‘genocide’.

Burma and investigates Rohingya ‘genocide’.

par | Juin 30, 2017 | Rohingyas

 

Burma says it will not let outside world investigate Rohingya ‘genocide’ claims

Officials say an ongoing domestic investigation is ‘sufficient’ to look into the allegations.
Burma will refuse entry to members of the UN trying to investigate the alleged killing, violence and abuse against the Rohingya people, an official said.
The government of Aung San Suu Kyi has already said it would refuse to cooperate with a UN mission following a resolution adopted by the Human Rights Council in March.
Kyaw Zeya, permanent secretary at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, said: « If they are going to send someone with regards to the fact-finding mission, then there’s no reason for us to let them come. »

Mr Zeya added that visas to enter Burma would not be issued to any staff working on the mission.
The Burmese government has repeatedly denied claims that the Rohingya Muslim ethnic group is facing genocide in the country’s remote Rakhine State. It previously brushed away evidence of human rights violations as fake news and « propaganda ».
It also deemed « exaggerated » a UN report published in February which found babies and children were reportedly slaughtered with knives amid « area clearance operations ».
The report concluded counter military operations by security forces were subjecting the Rohingya population to brutal beatings, disappearances, mass gang rape and killings.
Ms Suu Kyi, who came to power last year as apart of a transition from military rule, has been criticised for failing to stand up to the more than one million stateless Rohingy a Muslims.


People in Burma, which is a Buddhist-majority country, have long seen the Rohingyas as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh.
Some 75,000 Rohingyas fled the northwestern state of Rakhine to Bangladesh last year following security operations carried out by the Burmese army.
In March, the EU called for a mission to look into the allegations of abuse in the north of the country.
Indira Jaising, an advocate from the Supreme Court of India, was appointed to lead the mission in May.
But Burma insists that a domestic investigation, which is headed by former lieutenant general and Vice President Myint Swe, is sufficient to look into the allegations in Rakhine.
« Why do they try to use unwarranted pressure when the domestic mechanisms have not been exhausted? » said Kyaw Zeya.
« It will not contribute to our efforts to solve the issues in a holistic manner, » he said.

Last month, Ms Suu Kyi clashed with the EU over the necessity to carry through the UN resolution and send an international fact-finding mission to Burma.
Speaking in Brussels, Ms Suu Kyi said distrust between the two communities went as far back as the 18th century and that what the country needed was time.
« We have not ignored allegations of rape or murder or anything. We have asked that these are placed before a court and trialled, » she said.
She added her government was disassociating itself from the UN resolution « because we don’t think the resolution is in keeping with what is actually happening on the ground. »
During a trip to Sweden earlier this month she said the UN resolution « would have created greater hostility between the different communities. »

Burma and investigates Rohingya ‘genocide’.

Alternative School Near Inle Reimagines Primary Education

par | Juin 30, 2017 | Education

Alternative School Near Inle Reimagines Primary Education

Heritage Private School is situated in Chaung Sauk village in Nyaung Shwe Township, Shan State.

Ma Yin Myo Su, the founder of Inle Heritage Private School

The school’s founder Ma Yin Myo Su said she wanted to build a school that was funky, strange and had irregular shapes but was still in harmony with the surrounding area

the school’s buildings, but also its facilities are made out of bamboo.

Kyaw Swar, principal of Inle Heritage Private School

school’s design is a mix of contemporary and traditional architectural forms that fit in to local culture.

Heritage Private School is the first institution of its kind in Nyaung Shwe and Ma Yin Myo Su plans to expand the school to up to 12 buildings, eventually providing high school education.

NYAUNG SHWE, Shan State — On a four-acre plot of land in Chaung Sauk village, surrounded by the Shan hills and near one of Myanmar’s most popular tourism locales, three bamboo buildings resembling spaceships draw nearly every passerby’s attention.

At first glance, these bamboo and earthen structures northeast of Inle Lake could be mistaken for another new hotel or guesthouse. But seesaws and slides in front of the compound reveal that it has been built with children in mind.

It is the very first private school in Nyaung Shwe—an area known in Shan as Yawnghwe—and is open to any child in the local community, with an affordable price tag and run by the non-profit Inle Heritage Foundation.

The founder of Inle Heritage, Ma Yin Myo Su, is also managing director of two resorts: Inle Princess Resort near Inle Lake and Mrauk-U Princess Resort in Rakhine State, and has been recognized for efforts to preserve her ancestral ethnic Intha traditions and conservation of the natural beauty of Inle Lake. The 45-year-old’s most recent contribution concerns an investment in education.

“When I see that there are many babies in the families of my team and in my community, I wanted these children to have a childhood that I wanted myself as a child in this area,” said Ma Yin Myo Su, who guided The Irrawaddy’s reporters around the Inle Heritage Private School.

She stressed the need to have an alternative school in the area—recognized by the Ministry of Education, but with more activities than typical government-run schools—such as art, sports, storytelling, and innovative and creative talks about the environment, heritage, culture, nature and community.

“I live here. I was born here and I make my living here. So I want to give back in any way that I can, especially when the country is changing,” she explained.

In 2012 when Myanmar started allowing private schools, more than 60 schools registered. In the 2016-17 academic year, there were 585 private schools registered with the Ministry of Education, U Kyaw Thu, of the ministry’s department of basic education, told The Irrawaddy.

In a time when the private and international school sector is growing rapidly, fees for Myanmar’s most expensive international schools can run up to US$2,000 per month, per child. Private schools with a government-drafted curriculum start at around 50,000 kyats ($37) per month.

It took Ma Yin Myo Su and her team one year to complete the construction of the Inle Heritage Private School’s first three buildings. The school then launched its first class on June 1. It currently has a total of five classrooms hosting 118 students, from nursery to second grade, and boasts two playgrounds in the compound.

She plans to expand the school to host up to 12 buildings, eventually providing middle and high school education as well. The school’s monthly fees are 35,000 kyats ($25) for nursery and kindergarten and 40,000 kyats (US$30) for first and second grades.

 

Bamboo As A Building Material

The unique architecture of the school is another reason why it stands out from other standard school facilities in Myanmar, which are typically multi-story concrete buildings with limited play space. Yin Myo Su described it as a mix of contemporary and traditional architectural forms that fits into the local culture and remains close to nature.

To have a school that is made up of funky, strange and irregular shapes yet still stands in harmony with the surrounding area and environment inspired Ma Yin Myo Su’s fundamental vision to use bamboo as a building material for the project.

While Asian cultures have been building with bamboo since the 10th century, the medium has become increasingly popular in modern architecture and interior design as a sustainable and cheaper alternative to timber. Its advantage is that it is fast growing and does not contribute to deforestation, Ma Yin Myo Su explained.

“I want children to start thinking about sustainability, from the building itself, up to anything that they can see and imagine,” she said. “Whoever is going to build either businesses or schools or clinics or houses, it is possible to build in the most sustainable way possible, and there is alternative material that we could use with what we have around us.”

With proper insecticide treatment, bamboo structures can last several decades. It is non-polluting and, according to architects, arguably more earthquake resistant than cement and timber.

Ma Yin Myo Su also highlighted the school’s construction as a chance for her employees to learn how to preserve bamboo and how to treat it so that it is more resistant and durable for longer periods. The project was completed in partnership with Thailand-based architectural and design company Bamboo Family.

 Building Children’s Character

The school of five classrooms currently runs with a total of 17 staff including eleven teachers, two academic consultants and the principal.

Being the first private school in the region, one of the challenges it faces are the expectations from parents who want their children to be outstanding students in terms of grades and distinctions, Ko Aung Kyaw Swar, the school’s principal told The Irrawaddy.

The principal explained that the school’s first ambition is to train children to be morally sound and disciplined persons, while cultivating an attitude of care for the community.

“Education to me is beyond the recognitions of degrees or certificates,” he said. “I personally do not [put] a lot of grand visions or objectives on our kids, but I want them to become responsible for themselves on their own and to at least care for their community.”

The school’s design is a mix of contemporary and traditional architectural forms that fit in to local culture. (Photo: Chanson / The Irrawaddy)

After only the first two weeks of the school’s operation, Ko Aung Kyaw Swar said he was initially afraid that parents would give up on the school and that no children would show up to attend anymore. However, he had received positive feedback from parents that their children had become more independent in their daily lives.

“It’s the very, very first step of a long journey and [parents] need to believe in what we are doing, so we also try to closely collaborate with them,” he added.

Ma Yin Myo Su also said that she dreams of having a small animal farm and vegetable garden in the school compound where students can learn respect for animals, responsible consumption, and environmentally friendly habits.

“We have to give our children the best education, since they are going to lead our country’s next generation one day and decide its future,” she said.

By Tin Htet Paing 23 June 2017 – Photo: Chanson / The Irrawaddy

 

La souffrance des civils au Nord Myanmar

par | Juin 22, 2017 | Ethnic conflict

Nord du Myanmar

Actes de torture et exécutions extrajudiciaires, bombardements aveugles de villages civils, entraves aux déplacements et restrictions à l’aide humanitaire… A l’issue de trois missions effectuées récemment, notre organisation apporte des preuves de crimes guerre contre des minorités ethniques.Les atteintes aux droits fondamentaux ont été commises par des membres de la Tatmadaw (nom donné aux forces armées du Myanmar).

Publié le 14.06.2017.

Des violations commises par l’armée myanmar

Depuis que les combats se sont intensifiés en novembre 2016, l’armée du Myanmar (ex-Birmanie) s’est rendue coupable de graves violations contre les civils, qui s’apparentent parfois à des crimes de guerre.
Nous avons documenté neuf cas dans notre dernier rapport où des militaires ont arrêté arbitrairement et torturé des membres de minorités ethniques dans le nord de l’État chan.
Par exemple, en novembre 2016, 18 jeunes hommes ont été massacrés dans le village de Nam Hkye Ho. Selon deux témoins, une centaine de membres de l’armée du Myanmar sont entrés dans le village après avoir combattu la MNDAA non loin de là. La plupart des villageois, dont les femmes et les enfants, avaient fui à l’approche des combats. Les soldats ont laissé partir les hommes âgés avant d’emmener les jeunes hommes sous la menace d’une arme. Peu de temps après, les villageois qui avaient pris la fuite ont entendu des coups de feu en provenance de la direction qu’avaient prise les soldats.
Ils ont franchi la frontière pour rejoindre la Chine. Quand ils sont revenus dans leur village plusieurs semaines après les faits, ils ont trouvé deux charniers où avaient été jetés des restes de corps.
Nous avons vu des restes calcinés de ce qui semblait être un corps. [Il y avait] des os, mais c’étaient surtout des cendres. Nous avons retrouvé certaines de [leurs affaires]… Nous savions déjà que les 18 personnes avaient disparu. Un ancien du village.

….. / ….

Les Exactions par les groupes armés

Près de 100 000 personnes ont dû quitter leur maison en raison du conflit dans le nord du Myanmar.
Même si de nombreux membres des minorités ethniques considèrent les groupes armés comme leurs protecteurs, ils sont aussi victimes d’exactions de la part de ces groupes.
Différents groupes armés enlèvent des civils considérés comme proches d’une partie adverse, pratiquent l’enrôlement forcé, notamment d’enfants, et imposent des « taxes » à des villageois pauvres, pris au piège dans la zone de conflit.
Près de 100 000 personnes ont dû quitter leur maison et leur ferme en raison du conflit et des violations des droits humains dans le nord du Myanmar.

 

Lire aussi : des centaines de personnes Rohingyas disparues au Myanmar

Le terrible déplacement de population

Ces déplacés sont actuellement dans le nord du pays, alors que les affrontements entre les forces armées du Myanmar et différents groupes ethniques armés, dont l’Armée pour l’indépendance kachin (KIA), l’Armée de libération nationale ta’ang (TNLA), l’Armée d’Arakan (AA) et l’Armée de l’alliance démocratique nationale du Myanmar (MNDAA), continuent de faire rage dans la région.

Le gouvernement du Myanmar a exacerbé encore les difficultés pour de nombreuses personnes déplacées en restreignant l’accès des organismes humanitaires à certaines zones en proie au conflit, en particulier celles contrôlées par des groupes armés. Des représentants de ces organismes ont déclaré que ces restrictions limitaient leur capacité à réagir rapidement à des situations d’urgence et à fournir l’aide humanitaire nécessaire, en matière notamment d’abri, d’accès à l’eau et à des installations sanitaires.

Des mines terrestres aux engins explosifs improvisés

Les forces armées du Myanmar comme les groupes ethniques armés se servent de charges explosives, posant des mines terrestres antipersonnel ou des engins explosifs improvisés (IED) qui, bien souvent, blessent des civils, dont des enfants, alors qu’ils vont travailler ou rentrent chez eux après avoir été déplacés. L’armée du Myanmar fait partie des quelques rares forces armées nationales au monde (avec la Corée du Nord et la Syrie) qui utilisent encore des mines terrestres antipersonnel.
Toutes les parties au conflit doivent cesser de se livrer systématiquement à des violations des droits humains contre la population civile, et les autorités du Myanmar doivent mettre fin au cycle de l’impunité en enquêtant sur ces violations et en engageant des poursuites contre leurs auteurs.
Aung San Suu Kyi accorde la priorité au processus national de paix mais, pour qu’il aboutisse, il devra reposer sur l’obligation de rendre des comptes et sur le respect des droits de l’ensemble de la population civile, y compris de ceux des minorités ethniques.

Publié le 14.06.2017.

We Love Wirathu : Campaigns Launched

par | Juin 22, 2017 | Religious fundamentalism

Supporters of firebrand nationalist monk U Wirathu launched campaigns to garner signatures in his support in Karen State and Mandalay Region earlier this month.
 The “We Love Wirathu” campaigns were launched in response to allegations that U Wirathu’s sermons were against Buddha’s teachings, according to campaign organizers.
 “I believe U Wirathu is on the side of Dhamma [the doctrine or teaching of the Buddha], and I’m upset that some people call him on the side of Adhamma [against the Buddha’s teachings],” said a supporter of the petition in Karen State, who declined to give their name. “So, we confirm with our signatures that he is on the side of Dhamma.”
 The campaigns came as the Anti-False Buddhist Doctrine Group collected signatures across Yangon for a petition asking the State Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee, better known by its Burmese acronym Ma Ha Na, if the actions and speeches of U Wirathu conformed with Buddha’s teachings or not.
 One campaign, held at a monastery in Karen State’s Hpa-an Township on June 11, garnered around 10,000 signatures and another on June 14 in Myawaddy Township got more than 300 signatures, campaign organizer and Hpa-an local Ko Thurein told The Irrawaddy.
 “There is an ongoing campaign in Yangon, saying that Sayadaw U Wirathu’s sermons contain Adhamma things,” said Ko Thurein. “We organized these campaigns to show that he is not Adhamma, and that there are many people who love him.”

 

People from other townships in Karen State and in Mon State’s Mawlamyine (Moulmein) Township have contacted him to organize similar campaigns in their respective places, he said. The signatures collected will be presented to U Wirathu, he added.
Last week, the Patriotic Monks Union (Mandalay) and U Wirathu’s supporters conducted a campaign and garnered over 55,000 signatures, said U Wirathu’s supporter Mandalay local U Naing Win Tun.

“Those who speak ill of the Sayadaw [U Wirathu] online do so because they don’t know exactly what Sayadaw is doing,” he said.
The Anti-False Buddhist Doctrine Group conducted a petition against U Wirathu in nine townships in Yangon Region from May 21 to June 17. The founder of the group Ko Myat Kyaw said the number of signatures would be announced on Wednesday.
“We don’t want him to be jailed or ruined, we just want to show that we do not accept his false doctrine,” Ko Myat Kyaw told the press in May.
The petition will be put forward to the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Culture on Wednesday, and will also be sent to the President’s Office, the State Counselor’s Office and the Ma Ha Na.

Regarding the “We Love Wirathu” campaigns, Ko Myat Kyaw said: “I agree to disagree. They have the right to [campaign], and I cannot do anything.”
The campaign organizers of “We Love Wirathu Campaign” said similar campaigns would continue across the country, and an online voting system was also launched on June 17. A total of 13,209 signatures were collected by Tuesday, according to organizers.
U Wirathu was banned by the Ma Ha Na from delivering sermons across the country for one year, starting from March 10, due to his religious hate speech.

YANGON — By Zue Zue 21 June 2017

 

Burma and investigates Rohingya ‘genocide’.

A Frontline Dispatch From the Tanai Conflict

par | Juin 18, 2017 | Ethnic conflict

Under the heavy rain, I boarded a boat with a group of fellow reporters and made my way to a patch of Kachin Independence Army (KIA) territory threatened by the Myanmar Army about an hour from Tanai town.
Thousands of locals and migrants working the area’s gold and amber mines have fled the surrounding villages of Tanai in Kachin State since fighting broke out between the KIA and the Myanmar Army, also known as the Tatmadaw, on June 6. Many of the internally displaced people (IDPs) have sought shelter in Tanai town.
But as we stepped off the boat, four KIA mining officers awaited us, looking pleased to have the company. They had not yet received orders to leave, although the other mining workers had left, and so these were our guardians for the trip.
One of the men, Myit Aung, an acting officer appointed in January, told us to sit in a small shop for a while before going to the mines, which are based on land controlled by Battalion No. 14 under KIA Brigade No. 2. On June 15, shop owners were packing up and closing their businesses. They would leave from the same modest dock where we had arrived, but a few shops remained open.
An ethnic Kachin food vendor coerced her dog onto the boat, but the stubborn pet refused to budge. “Ah, the dog does not want to become an IDP,” one of our company reflected.
Myit Aung then offered us some beer, with the assurance that it “was a type of medicine to make you feel brave on the way to the front line.”
We used it to wash down our meals, and climbed into a car, listening to music with the KIA security as we drove to the mines. The rebel land we passed felt safer than the government-controlled areas.

Myit Aung said we would have no problems traveling in the KIA-controlled parts, but later he pointed toward a Tatmadaw base about two miles away. In the amber-rich land of Noi Je Bum Patserm Maw, which has seven mining areas, officer Nan Nan Aung told us they had killed a pig for lunch. At 2 p.m. KIA soldiers brought us plates of meat.
Back in the car, we drove another two hours to Chyasam Hka—the last KIA post on the frontline. The area was dense with rebel soldiers, who planned to fight in bunkers drenched by the seasonal rains, though it did not seem to deter them. A KIA colonel pointed toward Inn Kar Kar village, saying it was about 10 minutes away. “You will see the Myanmar Army there,” he said.
The colonel did not stay at the post for long, as they feared an imminent attack. Both sides had troops monitoring the other side’s movements.
At 4 p.m. we traveled to Nam Kham village, where we met Dashi Naw Tawng, the head of the village. Nam Kham’s 300 or so houses had mostly been abandoned—Dashi Naw Tawng’s own family had left for Kachin state capital Myitkyina—but he was adamant not to leave his house. He was “not afraid of fighting.”
“I know how to get out of here if I have to leave,” he added.
He gave us dinner at his house, encouraging us to drink as much beer as we wanted, as the drinks would probably have to be abandoned with the rest of his shop.
We spent the night back in the mining area, once a bustling community of thousands, where the Myanmar Army used the power of paper instead of arms to force out the residents. They dropped leaflets from helicopters – warning people they would attack and accusing the KIA of destroying the environment with mines.
“In my eyes, they tried to block the income of the KIA by stopping the mining,” said Myit Aung. Judging by the ghost town, the strategy was a success.
“They are not attacking on the basis that the mining is damaging the environment,” he added. “We did not have a big mining project here; only mobile mining, that’s all. They should stop mining in Hpakant first if they care about the environment.”

By Lawi Weng 16 June 2017 – Photo: Lawi Weng/The Irrawaddy