Displaced Kachin Mothers Struggle to Feed Their Children

On a foggy evening, a few women trundled along the slope of a valley, grasping bundles of green leaves, and carrying their babies in slings on their backs. They entered a compound of dozens of bamboo homes roofed with blue tarpaulin, some displaying the UNHCR logo, in the backdrop of paddy fields lush with rain and leading to mountains.

The women walked inside homes venting smoky waves, a sign that dinner was cooking in the camp for internally displaced people (IDPs). Based in Sadung town in Waingmaw Township, Kachin State, about 70 kilometers from the Kachin capital of Myitkyina, the camp was established with 408 people in early 2017.

It was the result of renewed fighting between the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and the Myanmar Army, or Tatmadaw, near Zai Awng camp, which forced thousands of IDPs to flee to Waingmaw and Myitkyina townships.

Known locally as an area of displaced Lisu people, an ethnic minority of several hundreds of thousands living mostly in Kachin and Shan states, the residents of the camp often gather edible plants from nearby highlands, as international aid agencies in 2016 changed their ration schemes to provide cash rather than food.

The change has proved crippling for IDPs such as Daw Wo Mi, a Lisu mother-of-five who is fluent in Burmese, unlike most other people in the camp who only speak the Lisu language.

“I cannot afford to cook meat for my children very often in one month. Our table is mostly decorated with a couple of side dishes,” she said.

By Moe Myint 16 August 2017 – SADUNG, Kachin State

Moe Myint The Irrawaddy Moe Myint is Reporter at the English edition of The Irrawaddy.

Cash Rations

According to the most recent UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) estimation, nearly 100,000 IDPs have been sheltering for up to six years across Kachin State and along the border of neighboring Shan State since the collapse of a 17-year ceasefire agreement between the Tatmadaw and the KIA in 2011.
IDPs make up 9 percent of jade-rich Kachin, and among this figure, 70 percent are women. Many of them—including residents of the Sadung camp—have little hope of returning home and reclaiming the lives they had before the conflict.
From 2011 to early 2016, international aid agencies provided rice bags for Kachin IDPs, but in March 2016, the World Food Programme (WFP) replaced the food with cash, because of the refugee crises in the Middle East and “donor fatigue,” according to Hka Li, the director of the humanitarian department in the Kachin Baptist Convention (KBC).
U Thein Soe, committee member of Thagara IDP camp in Waingmaw Township, told The Irrawaddy that each beneficiary used to receive 13.5 kilograms of rice, two bottles of oil, salt and two cups of beans every month from 2011 to 2016. Now, each IDP is given 9,000 kyats (US$6.60) monthly, or, for those deemed the most vulnerable, 13,000 kyats ($9.53).
Nang Shwe, a 23-year-old Shan mother of two who lives in Thagara camp, said, “We can’t even buy meat for a few days a month. How can I pay for tuition fees for my children?”

Not Enough Food

The current aid package means most IDPs receive just 300 kyats per day ($0.22)—in the commercial capital of Yangon, this is not even enough to take a round trip journey on a public bus, and will barely cover the cost of a bind of watercress and roselle, the leaves of which can be fried or boiled in soup.
During The Irrawaddy’s recent visit to Kachin’s IDP camps, Lisu, Shan and Kachin women spoke through the assistance of a translator of their financial hardships. Shan mother-of-two Nang Shwe said, “I cannot even give 100 kyats ($0.07) of pocket money to my child when he goes to school.”
Daw Wo Mi, the Lisu mother, explained that her family of seven recently arrived at the camp and falls under the “most vulnerable” category, therefore receiving 91,000 kyats ($66.70) altogether every month from the WFP.
She initially focused on buying low-grade rice bags of 50 kilograms instead of clothing for her family. A rice bag costs between 30,000-40,000 kyats ($22-29) in Sadung town and her family consumes at least two bags per month. She used the remaining 30,000 kyats on oil, salt, and other basic commodities.
“I have to spend at least 4,000 kyats ($2.93) if I want to buy meat in the market, so vegetables are the main dishes on the table,” she said. The children, she added, sometimes even refuse these dishes and eat only rice.
Mother-of-three Daw Lang Yu, 44, who recently arrived at the camp on the compound of Lhavo Church in Waingmaw Township said, “We eat rice with salt when we have no money to go shopping.”

Finding Work

The struggle to put enough food on the table was a story that repeated itself in every camp The Irrawaddy visited in Waingmaw, Myitkyina, and Sadung towns. IDPs and aid workers told The Irrawaddy that the typical tasks of women in the camps include cooking, washing clothes, and parenting, while their husbands look for day labor in town, cutting bamboo or collecting firewood.
Some women would leave the camps to seek recruitment on paddy farms, and some IDP camps located near urban areas see residents earning small amounts of money for selling crafts such as amber beads and necklaces in local markets.
KBC humanitarian department director Hka Li said aid organizations give vocational training to IDPs as well as small grants for livelihood projects. International religious organizations occasionally give donations, he added.
However, he conceded, “I suppose meals with meat would be very limited for IDPs.”
Local relief organizations reported that dire financial needs drive some young women to travel to China in order to find work; some marry Chinese men, and others are known to get trafficked, although the organizations said there is no systematic data available on trafficking cases among these populations.
A lawyer in Waingmaw Township who asked for anonymity said IDP women have been working as prostitutes at an illegal casino near Bala Min Htin Bridge that is under the control of militia groups. The Irrawaddy could not verify this claim.
KBC delegates told Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in Naypyitaw last month that addressing the food shortage of IDPs must be prioritized, Hka Li said, but it was undecided when the problem would be addressed.
But mostly, the women in camps are burdened by the perpetual fear of more armed clashes—even more than cash or food concerns. Tatmadaw battalions, militias, and KIA Regiment No. 6, for instance, contest the area of Sadung.
Daw Wo Mi, the Lisu mother of five, fled the fighting in 2011 and again in 2016. “I have no idea about politics, but we are always caught in the crossfire whenever they fight,” she said.

Myanmar Govt to Send Special Envoy to UN

Myanmar Govt to Send Special Envoy to UN

 

The Myanmar government will dispatch a special envoy to be stationed in New York where the UN is headquartered to explain the Rakhine issue to the international community, said U Kyaw Zeya, permanent secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

He mentioned the plan in response to The Irrawaddy’s question during the Asean 50th anniversary celebration in Naypyitaw on Monday.

“We met concerned directors-general and explored ideas. We’ve made proper preparations to assign a separate body,” said U Kyaw Zeya.

The Rakhine issue calls for cooperation and coordination among all ministries to find an answer, he said.

“We can’t shift the responsibility to each other. We have difficulties handling this issue but we’ll try to achieve success by working together. Not only our foreign ministry, but other agencies are also working to find a solution,” said U Kyaw Zeya.

On July 24, Daw Thandar, a well-known human rights activist and National League for Democracy (NLD) lawmaker, submitted an emergency proposal to the Lower House to condemn UN Special Rapporteur for Human Rights in Myanmar Yanghee Lee’s end-of-mission statement after concluding her recent visit to the country on July 21.

Lee said she was “disappointed to see the tactics applied by the previous government still being used,” and that she would “strongly urge the government” to allow an international independent body to investigate allegations of rights abuses particularly in Rakhine State, and in conflict regions in Myanmar at large.

Daw Thandar’s proposal was unanimously approved by the parliament. Daw Pyone Kaythi Naing, an NLD lawmaker from Shan State’s Kalaw, additionally proposed sending a special envoy to the UN to counter international allegations and provide briefings outlining Myanmar’s legislative perspective on the situation in Rakhine State.

She told The Irrawaddy that Myanmar’s government was only able to respond after international agencies make allegations, and that the government should take the initiative to explain the situation to the UN first.

Daw Pyone Kaythi Naing, who is also a member of the Lower House International Relations Committee, has consistently promoted the idea of sending a special envoy to the UN whenever there has been parliamentary debate on issues in Rakhine State.

“We are in a defensive position, while the other side has disseminated widespread propaganda in the international community,” she told The Irrawaddy.

“The government should send a special envoy—a respected figure with diplomatic expertise—to the UN to counter it,” she added.

The State Counselor’s Office announced on August 11 that it was considering imposing a curfew in certain areas in Rakhine State; and that it would cooperate with the Myanmar Army to counter militancy. Since militants attacked border police posts in Maungdaw last October, 59 people have been killed and 33 went missing as of August 9, according to the State Counselor’s Office.

According to sources from Rakhine State, Myanmar Army troops in cooperation with local security forces are conducting clearance operations in the Mayu Mountain Range, where they claim that militants are hiding. “Clearance operations” carried out in the area after the October border guard post attack resulted in widespread accusations of human rights abuses committed by the military.

The Myanmar government should find a long-term solution, spur economic development, and create education and job opportunities in Rakhine State rather than isolating communities, said political analyst U Tin Maung Than.

By Htet Naing Zaw 15 August 2017 – NAYPYITAW

More Than 1,000 New IDPs Reported in Kachin State

More than 1,000 locals abandoned their homes and have sought refuge at Baptist and Catholic churches in Namti, Kachin State, due to fighting between the Myanmar military and the Kachin Independence Organization/Army (KIO/A).
The displacement followed clashes near Kasung village with KIA Battalion 11 on Thursday and a reported raid by the Myanmar Army on the area the next day.
Kasung is located about 15 miles from Namti town in Mogaung Township, Kachin State.
La Mai Seng Awng, a religious leader from the Kachin Baptist Church told The Irrawaddy that 593 internally displaced people (IDPs) had come to the church seeking food and shelter.
“The IDPs arrived in Namti first,” he said. “They witnessed skirmishes between the military and the KIO that happened in the village.”
According to a statement made by a coalition of humanitarian groups in Kachin State known as the Joint Strategy Team for Humanitarian Response (JST), about 700 people arrived Namti village by Friday. Later, more than 300 villagers were assisted in escaping from Kasung and Zup Mai Yang villages by a team involving Baptist and Catholic Church leaders, the Peace Creation Group, Myanmar Red Cross Society, and Myanmar Rescue Myitkyina on Sunday, August 13.
The JST has raised concern for the safety and security of the IDPs and civilians in conflict-affected areas and school-aged children’s education.
“The danger of a flu outbreak, and [other] health concerns remains high among IDPs, especially for children and many elderly, and those with chronic diseases,” the coalition said in its statement. “It is also important to ensure that the displaced school children are provided with psychosocial support and are able to continue schooling while in Namti before they are able to return.”

… / …

On Sunday, government leaders including the minister of Kachin State’s Department of Social Welfare visited IDPs in the churches and met with the community leaders.
The Roman Catholic Church leader Lagyi La Ja told The Irrawaddy that the government had promised to arrange for the schooling of displaced children in Namti until they were able to return home.
The Roman Catholic Church in Namti is serving as a host site to more than 400 refugees.
JST secretary Gum Sha Awng told The Irrawaddy that locals’ safety should remain the “first priority” for all stakeholders in the crisis.
“We already have over 100,000 IDPs who haven’t gotten a chance to return to their original places. Their future is extremely vulnerable,” he said of those who have been displaced since a long-term ceasefire between the KIA and Myanmar Army broke down in 2011.
Church members, the JST, international NGOs, UN agencies and the government have provided emergency assistance including food, hygiene materials and blankets to the displaced.
In June, around 1,000 villagers were displaced in Kachin State’s Tanai Township, and have, as of yet, been unable to return home.

The Irrawaddy – By Thu Thu Aung 14 August 2017

La souffrance des civils au Nord Myanmar

Nord du Myanmar

Actes de torture et exécutions extrajudiciaires, bombardements aveugles de villages civils, entraves aux déplacements et restrictions à l’aide humanitaire… A l’issue de trois missions effectuées récemment, notre organisation apporte des preuves de crimes guerre contre des minorités ethniques.Les atteintes aux droits fondamentaux ont été commises par des membres de la Tatmadaw (nom donné aux forces armées du Myanmar).

Publié le 14.06.2017.

Des violations commises par l’armée myanmar

Depuis que les combats se sont intensifiés en novembre 2016, l’armée du Myanmar (ex-Birmanie) s’est rendue coupable de graves violations contre les civils, qui s’apparentent parfois à des crimes de guerre.
Nous avons documenté neuf cas dans notre dernier rapport où des militaires ont arrêté arbitrairement et torturé des membres de minorités ethniques dans le nord de l’État chan.
Par exemple, en novembre 2016, 18 jeunes hommes ont été massacrés dans le village de Nam Hkye Ho. Selon deux témoins, une centaine de membres de l’armée du Myanmar sont entrés dans le village après avoir combattu la MNDAA non loin de là. La plupart des villageois, dont les femmes et les enfants, avaient fui à l’approche des combats. Les soldats ont laissé partir les hommes âgés avant d’emmener les jeunes hommes sous la menace d’une arme. Peu de temps après, les villageois qui avaient pris la fuite ont entendu des coups de feu en provenance de la direction qu’avaient prise les soldats.
Ils ont franchi la frontière pour rejoindre la Chine. Quand ils sont revenus dans leur village plusieurs semaines après les faits, ils ont trouvé deux charniers où avaient été jetés des restes de corps.
Nous avons vu des restes calcinés de ce qui semblait être un corps. [Il y avait] des os, mais c’étaient surtout des cendres. Nous avons retrouvé certaines de [leurs affaires]… Nous savions déjà que les 18 personnes avaient disparu. Un ancien du village.

….. / ….

Les Exactions par les groupes armés

Près de 100 000 personnes ont dû quitter leur maison en raison du conflit dans le nord du Myanmar.
Même si de nombreux membres des minorités ethniques considèrent les groupes armés comme leurs protecteurs, ils sont aussi victimes d’exactions de la part de ces groupes.
Différents groupes armés enlèvent des civils considérés comme proches d’une partie adverse, pratiquent l’enrôlement forcé, notamment d’enfants, et imposent des « taxes » à des villageois pauvres, pris au piège dans la zone de conflit.
Près de 100 000 personnes ont dû quitter leur maison et leur ferme en raison du conflit et des violations des droits humains dans le nord du Myanmar.

 

Lire aussi : des centaines de personnes Rohingyas disparues au Myanmar

Le terrible déplacement de population

Ces déplacés sont actuellement dans le nord du pays, alors que les affrontements entre les forces armées du Myanmar et différents groupes ethniques armés, dont l’Armée pour l’indépendance kachin (KIA), l’Armée de libération nationale ta’ang (TNLA), l’Armée d’Arakan (AA) et l’Armée de l’alliance démocratique nationale du Myanmar (MNDAA), continuent de faire rage dans la région.

Le gouvernement du Myanmar a exacerbé encore les difficultés pour de nombreuses personnes déplacées en restreignant l’accès des organismes humanitaires à certaines zones en proie au conflit, en particulier celles contrôlées par des groupes armés. Des représentants de ces organismes ont déclaré que ces restrictions limitaient leur capacité à réagir rapidement à des situations d’urgence et à fournir l’aide humanitaire nécessaire, en matière notamment d’abri, d’accès à l’eau et à des installations sanitaires.

Des mines terrestres aux engins explosifs improvisés

Les forces armées du Myanmar comme les groupes ethniques armés se servent de charges explosives, posant des mines terrestres antipersonnel ou des engins explosifs improvisés (IED) qui, bien souvent, blessent des civils, dont des enfants, alors qu’ils vont travailler ou rentrent chez eux après avoir été déplacés. L’armée du Myanmar fait partie des quelques rares forces armées nationales au monde (avec la Corée du Nord et la Syrie) qui utilisent encore des mines terrestres antipersonnel.
Toutes les parties au conflit doivent cesser de se livrer systématiquement à des violations des droits humains contre la population civile, et les autorités du Myanmar doivent mettre fin au cycle de l’impunité en enquêtant sur ces violations et en engageant des poursuites contre leurs auteurs.
Aung San Suu Kyi accorde la priorité au processus national de paix mais, pour qu’il aboutisse, il devra reposer sur l’obligation de rendre des comptes et sur le respect des droits de l’ensemble de la population civile, y compris de ceux des minorités ethniques.

Publié le 14.06.2017.

Myanmar Govt to Send Special Envoy to UN

A Frontline Dispatch From the Tanai Conflict

Under the heavy rain, I boarded a boat with a group of fellow reporters and made my way to a patch of Kachin Independence Army (KIA) territory threatened by the Myanmar Army about an hour from Tanai town.
Thousands of locals and migrants working the area’s gold and amber mines have fled the surrounding villages of Tanai in Kachin State since fighting broke out between the KIA and the Myanmar Army, also known as the Tatmadaw, on June 6. Many of the internally displaced people (IDPs) have sought shelter in Tanai town.
But as we stepped off the boat, four KIA mining officers awaited us, looking pleased to have the company. They had not yet received orders to leave, although the other mining workers had left, and so these were our guardians for the trip.
One of the men, Myit Aung, an acting officer appointed in January, told us to sit in a small shop for a while before going to the mines, which are based on land controlled by Battalion No. 14 under KIA Brigade No. 2. On June 15, shop owners were packing up and closing their businesses. They would leave from the same modest dock where we had arrived, but a few shops remained open.
An ethnic Kachin food vendor coerced her dog onto the boat, but the stubborn pet refused to budge. “Ah, the dog does not want to become an IDP,” one of our company reflected.
Myit Aung then offered us some beer, with the assurance that it “was a type of medicine to make you feel brave on the way to the front line.”
We used it to wash down our meals, and climbed into a car, listening to music with the KIA security as we drove to the mines. The rebel land we passed felt safer than the government-controlled areas.

Myit Aung said we would have no problems traveling in the KIA-controlled parts, but later he pointed toward a Tatmadaw base about two miles away. In the amber-rich land of Noi Je Bum Patserm Maw, which has seven mining areas, officer Nan Nan Aung told us they had killed a pig for lunch. At 2 p.m. KIA soldiers brought us plates of meat.
Back in the car, we drove another two hours to Chyasam Hka—the last KIA post on the frontline. The area was dense with rebel soldiers, who planned to fight in bunkers drenched by the seasonal rains, though it did not seem to deter them. A KIA colonel pointed toward Inn Kar Kar village, saying it was about 10 minutes away. “You will see the Myanmar Army there,” he said.
The colonel did not stay at the post for long, as they feared an imminent attack. Both sides had troops monitoring the other side’s movements.
At 4 p.m. we traveled to Nam Kham village, where we met Dashi Naw Tawng, the head of the village. Nam Kham’s 300 or so houses had mostly been abandoned—Dashi Naw Tawng’s own family had left for Kachin state capital Myitkyina—but he was adamant not to leave his house. He was “not afraid of fighting.”
“I know how to get out of here if I have to leave,” he added.
He gave us dinner at his house, encouraging us to drink as much beer as we wanted, as the drinks would probably have to be abandoned with the rest of his shop.
We spent the night back in the mining area, once a bustling community of thousands, where the Myanmar Army used the power of paper instead of arms to force out the residents. They dropped leaflets from helicopters – warning people they would attack and accusing the KIA of destroying the environment with mines.
“In my eyes, they tried to block the income of the KIA by stopping the mining,” said Myit Aung. Judging by the ghost town, the strategy was a success.
“They are not attacking on the basis that the mining is damaging the environment,” he added. “We did not have a big mining project here; only mobile mining, that’s all. They should stop mining in Hpakant first if they care about the environment.”

By Lawi Weng 16 June 2017 – Photo: Lawi Weng/The Irrawaddy

Kachin IDPs Face Hunger and Homelessness

TANAI TOWNSHIP, Kachin State — Three days ago, Steven Naw Ring, 35, and his family fled their home in the mining village of Nan Kon in Tanai Township, Kachin State.
Fighting had broken out between the Myanmar Army, also known as the Tatmadaw, and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), forcing the ethnic Kachin farmer to abandon not only his house but also most of his possessions, including his animals and important documents.
Sitting on the concrete floor of the assembly hall at a Kachin Baptist Convention (KBC) church in Tanai town, he told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday afternoon he wanted to go back, to collect some papers.
About 500 people—most of whom were children and women, some nurturing newborn babies—huddled in groups on the floor. Families lined up to receive food donations; others were too exhausted, and slept.
Around 950 the Kachin internally displaced people (IDPs) have sought shelter at Tanai’s churches: 500 are with the KBC, 200 are in the care of the Catholic Church, 133 are in the Anglican Church, and 120 are staying at two Buddhist monasteries.
But local sources estimate that thousands of villagers and migrants working in amber and gold mines have fled from 10 communities in KIA-controlled territory near the Kawng Ra, N’Ga Ga and Nambyu areas, since fighting broke out between the KIA and the Tatmadaw on June 6.
Many of the migrant workers sheltered at Buddhist monasteries in the township, and some traveled to the Kachin State capital of Myitkyina on the journey back to their hometowns. However, local people have felt that they have nowhere else to go.
“We are in a different condition from the migrant workers,” said Steven Naw Ring, who sometimes works as a miner. “We have to abandon our properties, but they don’t.”
Leaflets dropped from Myanmar Army helicopters over his village on June 8 warned residents to leave by June 15 or the army would recognize them as “insurgents” and take action against them when they launched military operations in the area.
But local sources said Myanmar Army ground troops began attaching the KIA on June 9. The leaflets stated the Tatmadaw would attack the KIA as it had allowed mining in its territory and was destroying the environment.
Mining in the area has not been a recent development, according to locals. Mining operations have been active since 2000 following a ceasefire agreement between the KIA and the Tatmadaw.
Amber and gold mining is the main source of income for the KIA, migrant workers and locals in the area. The majority of Tanai’s people and businesses rely on mining for an income.
Tanai has become crowded with those who fled the mining areas in recent days. Guesthouses and restaurants are packed, while buses and taxis regularly shuttle people to Myitkyina.

Pressure to Evict IDPs

The Myanmar Army is pressuring Christian religious leaders to remove the Kachin people who fled the conflict, including Steven Naw Ring, sheltering at one of its churches, according to an IDP camp committee.
Reverend Dabang Jedi, a KBC spokesperson for Tanai IDPs, told The Irrawaddy that a Burma Army colonel told the committee in a meeting on Tuesday to turn away the IDPs.
“He has told us this at every meeting. He even told us yesterday to move out those IDPs from the town, then send them to stay at Kawng Ra village,” said the reverend.
Kawng Ra, about 10 miles from Tanai town, has experienced fighting for the last two days, according to the KBC.
“We told him it was not safe to send them there,” said reverend Dabang Jedi, adding that the Tatmadaw and local authorities heavily scrutinized IDPs who arrived in the town.
KBC member Naw Seng recounted the colonel telling the committee that if they did not force the IDPs out of town, the army would hold it responsible for any future problems involving the IDPs.
“They put a lot of pressure on our religious leaders to force IDPs out of the town,” said Naw Seng.
Tu Ja, a Kachin IDP camp leader from the Roman Catholic Church, said, “If it was possible, the army would not have IDP camps in Tanai. Maybe they do not want to take responsibility for the IDPs or they do not want to have IDPs camps in the country in the future.
“In order to make them happy, we told them that those people were just temporary IDPs. But if in a year they can not go back to their villages, they will have to stay here,” he added.
The KBC church has a ration of four bags of rice per day for about 500 people so far, according to the committee, and the Myanmar Army has not donated anything yet for IDPs.
The committee added that only one representative of the government—the lawmaker from Tanai—helped the IDPs, donating four bags of rice, and the township authorities donated one bag and one basket of cooking oil.
The Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) donated 10 bags of rice, and a local company—Citizens Star—donated 10 bags of rice and some drinking water, according to the KBC.
“We will help the IDPs as much as we can. But we do not know how much longer we will have rice to cook for them. We will ask others for donations, too,” said reverend Dabang Jedi.
Father La Sai from the Roman Catholic Church said children were suffering the most, as many of the older people had built up some resistance.
“It was difficult for the IDPs to travel during the rainy season, especially the children, as they had to travel all day,” he said.
The government and the Myanmar Army did not prepare camps for people fleeing their homes in the mining areas, according to local sources, and the wave of IDPs came as a challenging shock to the KBC.
Some local people fled their homes driven by the fear of a coming battle in which the roads would be blocked, preventing them from escaping to Tanai. KIA leaders also told Kachin people to leave the areas, as they said that they could not provide security, according to local sources.
The Myanmar Army has tightened security in Tanai and is checking vehicles traveling on the township’s roads. Local sources said the army is preparing to launch another military offensive against the KIA.

By Lawi Weng 14 June 2017