Un moine nationaliste du Myanmar condamne une intervention étrangère

Un moine nationaliste du Myanmar condamne une intervention étrangère

Le moine bouddhiste ultranationaliste Firebrand du Myanmar U Wirathu a dit qu’il prendrait les armes si les dirigeants militaires du Myanmar sont inculpés à la Cour pénale internationale (CPI), montrant sa solidarité avec les forces armées du pays, qui ont été internationalement blâmé pour leurs prétendues atrocités contre les Rohingya.

Des groupes de défense des droits de l’homme à l’étranger et la communauté internationale ont fait pression pour renvoyer le chef militaire SNR-GEN Min Aung Hlaing et ses subordonnés à la CPI pour les actions de leurs troupes contre les musulmans dans le nord de l’état de Rakhine. Près de 700 000 Rohingya ont fui au Bangladesh l’année dernière après les opérations d’habilitation de sécurité dans la région après les attaques de l’armée du Salut Arakan Rohingya sur les postes de police. Le gouvernement du Myanmar dénonce ARSA comme une organisation terroriste. La majorité des personnes qui ont fui la région ont raconté des meurtres extrajudiciaires, des viols et des incendies criminels perpétrés par les forces de sécurité. L’armée a rejeté toutes les accusations.

En réponse à la pression internationale, les nationalistes ont organisé une manifestation pro-militaire appelée « obloquy pour condamner les pays et les organisations étrangers qui abusent et interfèrent l’État et les Tatmadaw » (militaires) dans le centre-ville de Yangon. Le dimanche, brandissant des drapeaux miniatures des forces armées, au moins 1 000 sympathisants – anciens militaires et membres de leur famille, moines bouddhistes tenant des portraits du chef militaire, certains membres du parti de solidarité et de développement de l’Union d’opposition et leurs alliés et nationalistes – ont défilé à travers le centre-ville avant de se terminer sur le lieu de l’événement en face de l’hôtel de ville pour un discours public.

Le centre d’intérêt était U Wirathu, le moine qui est internationalement connu pour ses sermons enflammés contre les musulmans qui ont encouragé les femmes bouddhistes à se marier aux toxicomanes, ivrognes, moines et même les chiens plutôt que les hommes musulmans.

Au début de cette année, Facebook effacé son compte, comme il a utilisé le site des médias sociaux comme une plate-forme de propagande haineuse. Depuis, le moine de 50 ans a pratiquement disparu de la vue du public. Le rallye Pro-militaire du dimanche a été sa première réapparition.

Pendant le discours, il a dit qu’il était contre la pression internationale, ne protégeant pas le SNR-GEN Min Aung Hlaing mais la souveraineté du Myanmar, tout en déclarant qu’il y aurait une ethnicité Rohingya reconnue au Myanmar seulement quand « les lapins obtiennent des cornes et des tortues des cheveux ».

En ce qui concerne la pression internationale sur la question du Rakhine, le moine a déclaré que le Myanmar n’avait pas besoin de s’inquiéter tant que la Chine et la Russie étaient aux Nations Unies, se référant à la position des deux pays et le pouvoir de veto grâce à être membres permanents de la sécurité des Nations Unies Conseil.

« S’il y a une accusation de la CPI (contre le leadership militaire) ou (décision pour) R2P (la responsabilité de protester), c’est le jour où je vais ramasser une arme à feu », a- t-il dit. Mais il n’a pas dit à qui il allait prendre les armes.

« Venez ici et rencontrez-moi ! », a- t-il dit à la foule l’acclamant.

Un autre orateur était U Win Ko Ko Latt, un nationaliste Hardline récemment libéré de prison pour avoir été reconnu coupable d’avoir commis des infractions contre l’État pour une protestation en dehors de l’ambassade des États-Unis à Rangoon en 2016 contre l’utilisation de l’ambassade du mot « Rohingya ».

Il a dit qu’il était SNR-GEN Min Aung Hlaing qui avait nié l’existence de Rohingya dans le pays et que l’armée a protégé les races et la religion des peuples autochtones de l’Etat Rakhine.

 » Les nationalistes se battent pour la même cause. C’est pourquoi nous devons soutenir le Tatmadaw », a- t-il dit.

Lundi, la course militaire Myawady Daily a rapporté que le rallye a été rejoint par plus de 5 000 partisans.

Le document ajoute que des campagnes Pro-militaires sont en cours dans tout le pays depuis 2016.

« Depuis hier, 80 rallyes ont été réalisés et rejoints par plus de 600 000 personnes ».

Par l’Irrawaddy 15 octobre 2018 – Yangon

Sources : The Irrawadi

Empêcher le moine Wirathu de brandir des discours de haine

Une conférence de presse qui appelait le gouvernement et le Sangha Maha Nayaka (plus haute autorité bouddhiste) à empêcher le moine Wirathu de brandir des discours de haine a du été interrompu par l’arrivée de dizaines de moines nationalistes. L’évènement était planifié par le moine Ashin Min Thu Nya dans les locaux du Myanmar Journalist Network, le 25 février.

Dans la matinée du 25 février, plusieurs moines et  civils proche de Wirathu, moine célèbre pour ses discours enflammés sur les musulmans et sur le gouvernement de la Ligue Nationale pour la Démocratie, ont pris place dans les bureaux du Myanmar Journalist Network.  Le moine Ashin Thu Nya souhaitait y interpeller les autorités religieuses et gouvernementales pour qu’elles prennent des mesures contre ce leader ultranationaliste. Alors même qu’un groupe de moines nationalistes était inclus dans l’assistance, ceux-ci sont arrivés de plus en plus nombreux et les esprits se sont échauffés. Les organisateurs ont dû mettre un terme à la conférence craignant que la situation ne dégénère.

Levée de l’interdiction

Suite à des déclarations publiques soutenant l’assassinat de l’avocat musulman Ko Ni, la plus haute autorité bouddhiste a interdit, en mars dernier, à Wirathu de livrer des sermons pendant un an. Le moine a longtemps été l’un des visages les plus reconnaissables du mouvement nationaliste extrémiste bouddhiste en Birmanie en tant que leader monastique anti-musulman. Alors que l’interdiction de sermon expire le 9 mars, l’homme n’a jamais cessé d’utiliser différents stratagèmes pour faire entendre sa voix, notamment les réseaux sociaux.
Selon le journal l’Irrawaddy, suite aux tensions, Ashin Min Thu Nya a été contraint de retourner dans son monastère à Rangoun. De là, il a convoqué les médias pour une nouvelle conférence. « Je veux que notre pays obtienne la justice. Je ne veux pas qu’il détruise notre religion bouddhiste », a-t-il déclaré, avant d’ajouter « il appartient au Ministère de l’Intérieur et aux juges des tribunaux de prendre des mesures contre Wirathu ».

Avis d’expulsion

Au lendemain de la conférence, les journalistes du MJN ont reçu un avis d’expulsion. Le secrétaire du MJN, Zeyar Hlaing, a déclaré à la DVB avoir loué un appartement comme espace de bureau sur la 34ème rue depuis 2016. « Le propriétaire avait demandé à ce que nous ne tenions aucun événement lié à la politique, mais (malgré l’organisation de nombreuses conférences de presse) nous n’avions jamais eu aucun problème. Aujourd’hui le propriétaire nous a dis que nous devions partir dans les 20 jours ».

Publié le par l’ONG  : Wirathu – info-birmanie

Une conférence de presse qui appelait le gouvernement et le Sangha Maha Nayaka (plus haute autorité bouddhiste) à empêcher le moine Wirathu de brandir des discours de haine a du été interrompu par l’arrivée de dizaines de moines nationalistes. L’évènement était planifié par le moine Ashin Min Thu Nya dans les locaux du Myanmar Journalist Network, le 25 février.

Dans la matinée du 25 février, plusieurs moines et  civils proche de Wirathu, moine célèbre pour ses discours enflammés sur les musulmans et sur le gouvernement de la Ligue Nationale pour la Démocratie, ont pris place dans les bureaux du Myanmar Journalist Network.  Le moine Ashin Thu Nya souhaitait y interpeller les autorités religieuses et gouvernementales pour qu’elles prennent des mesures contre ce leader ultranationaliste. Alors même qu’un groupe de moines nationalistes était inclus dans l’assistance, ceux-ci sont arrivés de plus en plus nombreux et les esprits se sont échauffés. Les organisateurs ont dû mettre un terme à la conférence craignant que la situation ne dégénère.

Levée de l’interdiction

Suite à des déclarations publiques soutenant l’assassinat de l’avocat musulman Ko Ni, la plus haute autorité bouddhiste a interdit, en mars dernier, à Wirathu de livrer des sermons pendant un an. Le moine a longtemps été l’un des visages les plus reconnaissables du mouvement nationaliste extrémiste bouddhiste en Birmanie en tant que leader monastique anti-musulman. Alors que l’interdiction de sermon expire le 9 mars, l’homme n’a jamais cessé d’utiliser différents stratagèmes pour faire entendre sa voix, notamment les réseaux sociaux.
Selon le journal l’Irrawaddy, suite aux tensions, Ashin Min Thu Nya a été contraint de retourner dans son monastère à Rangoun. De là, il a convoqué les médias pour une nouvelle conférence. « Je veux que notre pays obtienne la justice. Je ne veux pas qu’il détruise notre religion bouddhiste », a-t-il déclaré, avant d’ajouter « il appartient au Ministère de l’Intérieur et aux juges des tribunaux de prendre des mesures contre Wirathu ».

Avis d’expulsion

Au lendemain de la conférence, les journalistes du MJN ont reçu un avis d’expulsion. Le secrétaire du MJN, Zeyar Hlaing, a déclaré à la DVB avoir loué un appartement comme espace de bureau sur la 34ème rue depuis 2016. « Le propriétaire avait demandé à ce que nous ne tenions aucun événement lié à la politique, mais (malgré l’organisation de nombreuses conférences de presse) nous n’avions jamais eu aucun problème. Aujourd’hui le propriétaire nous a dis que nous devions partir dans les 20 jours ».

Publié le par l’ONG  : Wirathu – info-birmanie

Countering Jihadist Militancy in Bangladesh

Conclusion of a 34-page article on the situation of Rohingya in Bangladesh. Crisis Group.

With political polarisation reaching historic highs and local jihadist groups forging links with transnational movements, new forms of militancy threaten security and religious tolerance in Bangladesh. The government should reinforce the capability of law enforcement agencies and the judiciary, and build political consensus on tackling the menace.

Although there was no major attack in 2017, the potential for further jihadist violence in Bangladesh remains. The resurgence of jihadist groups over the past few years has been facilitated if not accelerated by years of political deadlock. While there is no direct line between toxic politics and the rise of jihadist violence, a bitterly divided polity, between those espousing secularism and those emphasising Bangladesh’s Muslim identity, and a brutal and highly partisan policing and justice system, nonetheless has opened space for jihadist groups. The politicised trials of senior JeI leaders contributed to the environment in which Ansar emerged. The BNP’s alliance with the JeI, whose activists, along with BNP cadres, have been responsible for much of the worst political violence since 2013, raises understandable concerns. Yet that violence was provoked by the attempt to drive JeI underground, itself the byproduct of a zero-sum game between the two largest parties.

Ending the deadlock is even more urgent today as Bangladesh confronts a new generation of potentially more dangerous jihadists with apparent links to transnational terror groups such as ISIS. Instead, Sheikh Hasina’s government has made no serious attempt to reconcile with the mainstream opposition, opting instead to waste police resources on repression of opponents. This choice has undermined both democracy and security, with countrywide violence bringing the country to a standstill for months at a time. Given the jihadist revival since then, another breakdown of law and order would almost certainly play into the hands of groups like Ansar and JMB. If the government does not change course, such forces may experience another resurgence.

International Crisis Group – Brussels, 28 February 2018

Specter of Jihadi Resurgence Arises in Bangladesh

The International Crisis Group (ICG), which focuses on preventing deadly conflicts, has warned the Bangladeshi government that domestic political polarization could fuel a resurgence of militancy by local jihadist movements, threatening the state’s security and religious tolerance of minority groups.

The group released a 34-page report entitled “Countering Jihadist Militancy in Bangladesh” via its website on Feb. 28. Based on interviews with security officials, members of the legal community and political and civil society groups, representatives from Islamic parties and umbrella groups, the analysis seeks to explore the roots of Bangladeshi’s jihadist groups, their ultimate goals, organizational dynamics, recruitment patterns and links to regional and transitional networks.

Resurgent militancy

The ICG report states that two groups, Jamaat-ul Mjahideen Bangladesh (JMB) and Ansarul Islam (or Ansar), which both claim to represent Islamic State-Bangladesh and have sent large numbers of fighters to Iraq and Syria, dominate the jihadist landscape of Bangladesh. Both are linked with Islamic State (ISIS) and affiliated with al-Qaeda’s South Asian branch.

Ansar describes itself as a defender of Islam, while JMB has a longer list of enemies, identifying anyone who does not subscribe to its interpretation of Islam as a legitimate target.

These two militant groups’ attacks have targeted secular activists, foreigners, intellectuals as well as religious and sectarian minorities in Bangladesh since 2013. In the almost three years since an attack on a café in the heart of Dhaka’s diplomatic district killed over 20 people, ICG reports a series of attacks have involved different Bangladesh Jihadist groups, including rural-based madrasa students and elite urban young men.

Successive governments have taken drastic and often brutal action against JMB, killing thousands of suspects, although the group has not been wiped out and has revived itself in a new form. Meanwhile, Ansar was born out of outrage over the ruling Awami League government’s 2010 trials of senior leaders of the country’s largest Islamist party, Jamaat-e-Islamic (Jel), who were accused of committing war crimes in the 1971 war of independence.

Jel is a close ally of the opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). The verdicts against Jel’s senior leaders became a flashpoint within the Islamist community as the trial lacked transparency and was held against a background of intimidation and harassment of defence lawyers and witnesses. Ansar regards the trials as an insult to Islam and subsequently begun recruiting members from among both urban and rural educated youth.

The ICG says the ruling Awami League party’s tactics against its political opponents, which have included accusing BNP and Jel of complicity in high-profile attacks in recent years, have opened a space for new forms of jihadist activism. The Awami League has repeatedly used the security forces to suppress rivals as it seeks a decisive victory in upcoming 2018 general elections in December.

The ICG suggested the Bangladeshi government “should adopt a counter-terrorism strategy anchored in reformed criminal justice and better intelligence gathering.”

Ansar might be training ARSA militants today

Amid the silent threat growing within Bangladesh, an influx of hundreds of thousands of Rohingya Muslims from Myanmar’s Rakhine State in late 2017 is fueling security concerns in the Bangladeshi government as jihadist groups including ISIS and Pakistani militants have shown an interest in taking advantage of the Rohingya’s plight in an effort to mobilize support.

The ICG warns the Bangladesh government that jihadists might “exploit” nearly one million stateless Rohingya refugees, who are “particularly susceptible to jihadist recruitment.” News reports suggest some Rohingya from refugee camps have already joined ARSA.

In April 2016, ISIS’s online magazine Dabiq featured the Bangladesh ISIS commander sounding a rallying cry for Rohingya rights, while Al-Qaeda included Myanmar on a 2014 list of key targets.

Pakistan-based Jaish-e-Mohammed chief Masood Azhar, in one of the leading publications in that country, wrote in September 2017, “All Muslims of the world must unite for this cause” and “Myanmar’s soil is earnestly waiting for the thumping sound of the footsteps of the conquerors.”

In December 2017, Akayed Ullah, a Banlgadeshi immigrant to the United States detonated a homemade pipe bomb in a New York subway corridor, injuring five. US authorities apprehended the suspect and found he had an “allegiance to ISIS” and had visited Rohingya refugee camps three months before his violent attack in New York.

Although there is no concrete evidence to conclude that ARSA has ties to transnational jihadism, a previous Rohingya militant group, formally known as the Rohingya Solidarity Organization (RSO), set up small bases on the Bangladesh border in the past, and collaborated with Jamaat-ul Mujahideen on weapons and explosives training. Some counter-terrorism analysts believe that Ansar might be training and arming ARSA militants today.

Qazi Mehboob ul-Haq, with supporters. (Photo: Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty)

The Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict (IPAC) also noted in its report that “Indonesians and Malaysians are seeking to assist persecuted Muslims in Myanmar through contacts with Bangladesh-based Rohingya.”

At their recent meeting in Singapore in February, ASEAN defence ministers issued a joint statement in which it stated: “We note with grave concern the rise of terrorism in our region, perpetrated by individuals and groups with increasingly sophisticated and deadly tactics and weapons.”

Meanwhile on Feb. 27, the US Department of Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) added ISIS-Bangladesh and the Philippines-based Maute Group, aka Islamic State of Lanao, to its sanction list for global terrorism, along with ISIS-Egypt, Somalia, Tunisia and West Africa. It’s unclear whether the US is also trying to verify the link between Bangladesh ISIS and ARSA.

Third picture: Myanmar soldiers on guard duty during a diplomatic tour to northern Rakhine’s strife-torn Maungdaw district in 2017. (Photo/ Moe Myint/The Irrawaddy)

Why is ARSA so silent?

After a series of attacks by ARSA on Myanmar forces in 2017, there have been no serious security incidents in northern Rakhine’s Maungdaw region, although a couple of camp leaders were murdered on the Bangladesh side, which scared Rohingya from returning to Myanmar.

Home Affairs Minister Lt. Col Kyaw Swe and 11 fellow officials from relevant departments recently visited Bangladesh to discuss border security and collaboration on counter-terrorism operations but detailed information from the talks was not released.

During the visit, Bangladesh Home Affairs officials handed a list of over 8,000 potential Rohingya returnees to Lt. Col Kyaw Swe but the list provided only one ID photo of the head of each family and no other identifying information for family members or fingerprints in the applications. As a result, Myanmar authorities said they would send back the returnee list to Bangladesh authorities.

As for ARSA’s silence, Myanmar ethnic affairs analyst U Maung Maung Soe concluded that the group is waiting to see the outcome of a campaign by some members of the international and human rights communities to have Myanmar army chief Sen Gen Min Aung Hlaing referred to the International Court of Justice for the Myanmar military’s brutal campaign against the Rohingya in northern Rakhine.

In recent weeks, over 100 British MP urged its government to demand the Myanmar army chief be brought before the ICJ while three Nobel Peace Laureates, Yemen’s Tawakkol Karman, Iran’s Shirin Ebadi and Mairead Maguire from Ireland voiced a similar appeal after visiting refugee camps in Bangladesh.

According to Bangladesh news outlets, the Nobel Prize winners also warned Myanmar State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to “wake up”, otherwise, she would be listed as a “perpetrator of this crime”.  Moreover, they bluntly declared that “If she can’t stop all this crime, then she has to resign, now.”

“If ARSA stages further attacks against Myanmar, there could be backlash in terms of the international support for them (the Rohingya), and their political agenda would suffer a great loss,” U Maung Maung Soe said.

The analyst noted Rohingya promoters in Europe had focused on raising the issue of indigenous rights for stateless people rather than protecting the basic rights of a persecuted community, which suggests it will be hard to reach a repatriation deal given the offer made by Myanmar to accept those who return voluntarily. Thus, ARSA’s silence is very likely connected to the pro-Rohingya campaigners’ lobbying, he said.

“It’s hard to believe that they (lobbyists) don’t have any connections with ARSA,” U Maung Maung Soe said.

However, ARSA will probably carry out renewed attacks on Myanmar if the push for Sen Gen Min Aung Hlaing to be tried before the ICC fails to gain traction. In addition, the remaining Muslim population has indicated that ARSA would not be able to call on large numbers of militants to make attacks against Myanmar government targets as in 2017, U Maung Maung Soe said.

By Moe Myint The Irrawaddy 2 March 2018

 

 

Un moine nationaliste du Myanmar condamne une intervention étrangère

Ma Ba Tha Appeals

Mandalay Ma Ba Tha Appeals Ban on Name

MANDALAY — Nationalists of a sub-chapter of the Association for the Protection of Race and Religion are urging the State Buddhist Sangha authority to reconsider a ban on their group’s name—otherwise known by its Myanmar acronym Ma Ba Tha.

The spokesperson of Ma Ba Tha’s Mandalay chapter told The Irrawaddy on Thursday that it is preparing an appeal to the State Buddhist authority—known by its Myanmar acronym Ma Ha Na—which banned the group’s name in May and ordered all signboards to be removed by July 15.

“We will send this appeal to the Ma Ha Na office in Yangon tomorrow requesting the senior abbots to reconsider the ban and the removal of the signboards,” said U Yatha, the spokesperson.

The sub-chapter announced on Monday that it would continue to use the name and would not remove the signboards in defiance of the Ma Ha Na orders.

“Since our association [Ma Ba Tha] is not illegal and did nothing that is outlawed, we request the senior Sayadaw to let us continue with [the name]. If the Sayadaw decide to go on with their decision to abolish Ma Ba Tha, we will have to listen and follow them,” said U Yatha.

The spokesperson said they would request a delay of a month or two on the order so that they could still use the signboards during the reconsideration period.

Commenting on reports that the group’s members in Mandalay were planning to resist local authorities and senior monks if they attempted to remove the signboards, U Yatha added, “These are just rumors. We have no plan to act against the decision of the senior monks. If the senior abbots of Ma Ha Na decide we are outlawed, and if they want to arrest us, we have no choice but to respect and follow their decision,” said U Yatha.

After a two-day meeting with members from across the country in late May, the association released an announcement that it would “no longer use [the name] Ma Ba Tha, but would go by the Buddha Dhamma Charity Foundation,” rebranding itself as a charity group.

Zarni Mann    –   By Zarni Mann 13 July 2017

We Love Wirathu : Campaigns Launched

Supporters of firebrand nationalist monk U Wirathu launched campaigns to garner signatures in his support in Karen State and Mandalay Region earlier this month.
The “We Love Wirathu” campaigns were launched in response to allegations that U Wirathu’s sermons were against Buddha’s teachings, according to campaign organizers.
“I believe U Wirathu is on the side of Dhamma [the doctrine or teaching of the Buddha], and I’m upset that some people call him on the side of Adhamma [against the Buddha’s teachings],” said a supporter of the petition in Karen State, who declined to give their name. “So, we confirm with our signatures that he is on the side of Dhamma.”
The campaigns came as the Anti-False Buddhist Doctrine Group collected signatures across Yangon for a petition asking the State Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee, better known by its Burmese acronym Ma Ha Na, if the actions and speeches of U Wirathu conformed with Buddha’s teachings or not.
One campaign, held at a monastery in Karen State’s Hpa-an Township on June 11, garnered around 10,000 signatures and another on June 14 in Myawaddy Township got more than 300 signatures, campaign organizer and Hpa-an local Ko Thurein told The Irrawaddy.
“There is an ongoing campaign in Yangon, saying that Sayadaw U Wirathu’s sermons contain Adhamma things,” said Ko Thurein. “We organized these campaigns to show that he is not Adhamma, and that there are many people who love him.”

 

People from other townships in Karen State and in Mon State’s Mawlamyine (Moulmein) Township have contacted him to organize similar campaigns in their respective places, he said. The signatures collected will be presented to U Wirathu, he added.
Last week, the Patriotic Monks Union (Mandalay) and U Wirathu’s supporters conducted a campaign and garnered over 55,000 signatures, said U Wirathu’s supporter Mandalay local U Naing Win Tun.

“Those who speak ill of the Sayadaw [U Wirathu] online do so because they don’t know exactly what Sayadaw is doing,” he said.
The Anti-False Buddhist Doctrine Group conducted a petition against U Wirathu in nine townships in Yangon Region from May 21 to June 17. The founder of the group Ko Myat Kyaw said the number of signatures would be announced on Wednesday.
“We don’t want him to be jailed or ruined, we just want to show that we do not accept his false doctrine,” Ko Myat Kyaw told the press in May.
The petition will be put forward to the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Culture on Wednesday, and will also be sent to the President’s Office, the State Counselor’s Office and the Ma Ha Na.

Regarding the “We Love Wirathu” campaigns, Ko Myat Kyaw said: “I agree to disagree. They have the right to [campaign], and I cannot do anything.”
The campaign organizers of “We Love Wirathu Campaign” said similar campaigns would continue across the country, and an online voting system was also launched on June 17. A total of 13,209 signatures were collected by Tuesday, according to organizers.
U Wirathu was banned by the Ma Ha Na from delivering sermons across the country for one year, starting from March 10, due to his religious hate speech.

YANGON — By Zue Zue 21 June 2017